[Gipfelsoli Newsletter] Heiligendamm

[gipfelsoli-l at lists.nadir.org]

- Interventionist Left's G8 website now in English
- Ausschreibungen - Sicherheitszaun (06E0370)
- Summit Hoppin' 06
- Autonomous rear Entrances to Fortress Europe?!
- Keine Macht für G8 - Kampagne der Neuen Linken
- Apel la rezistenta impotriva G8
- Stop the G8+5, Defend Oaxaca! Virtual Action - Tuesday / Wednesday October
3-4, 2006!

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Interventionist Left's G8 website now in English

The Interventionist Left's G8 website is now in English online. Check out:
www.g8-2007.de

[www.g8-2007.de]


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Ausschreibungen Sicherheitszaun (06E0370)

Auftragsbeschreibung
Der Betrieb für Bau und Liegenschaften Mecklenburg-Vorpommern, Geschäftsbereich
Rostock beabsichtigt, oben genannte Leistung zu vergeben.
Interessenten finden nähere Informationen zu dieser Ausschreibung in der
folgenden PDF-Datei: Vergabebekanntmachung
PLZ 18209
Erfüllungsort Heiligendamm
CPV-Code 45342000-45223822

[http://www.bund.de/nn_176712/Organisations/Bund/U/MV/U/FM/U/BBL-MV/U/BBL-MV-Rostock/Daten/Ausschreibungen/060929-06E0370-Sicherheitszaun-ausschr.html]


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Summit Hoppin' 06

Eight years after the first big summit blockades, activists are still mobilized
against. On several different occasions this summer there were demonstrations
and discussions about political approaches and the planning of actions. For
example at the G8 summit in St. Petersburg, the Campinski near Heiligendamm,
and the PGA conference in France.

St. Petersburg - and what`s next?

The meeting of the representatives of  eight of the most powerful industrial
states this year in St. Petersburg was once again joined by protests. Despite
the fact that the preparations had been constricted by the Russian authorities,
 some succesful actions still took place.
A spontanous pink and silver demonstration playing samba paraded through a major
shopping street in Moskau, and in a separate action, the St. Petersburg hotel
where some summit participants were staying was symbolically blockaded.
It showed that even under such difficult conditions protests are possible.

Despite the small participation of people from western europe the networking
beetween easten and western Europe was one of the most positive aspects of the
protests. To strengthen these contacts, a NoBorder Camp has been planned for
August 2007. The camp will take place in the Ukraine, where conditions are
expected to be less restrictive. First of all the entry for people from East-
and West Europe is easier and previous actions were confronted with little
repression and received adequate media coverage. There will be an international
preparation meeting in winter to organize this camp on an international level
and support the local scene.

Campinski - the calm before the storm on the summit (die Ruhe vor dem
Gipfelsturm)

Immediately after the G8 summit in St. Petersburg, over 1000 G8 opposers
discussed and continued preparing the protests against the G8 summit in
Heiligendamm next year in Germany. "The idea of the camp was primarily to
coordinate the resistance and create next year's protest together," explained
Rosa Camper in a concluding statement.
In addition to the 2007 preparations, there were over 150 workshops. For
example, video activists guided participants on the use of cameras, an
international working group was founded, the infotour held Do Infotour-Yourself
workshops, and the connections between the G8 and agriculture and migration
issues were discussed.
Aside from making plans, selforganisation was put to the test. As someone from
indymedia remarked: "A lot of things did not work well, but that means we have
a checklist for next year." But generally speaking selforganization already
worked quite well.  This was also visible on Sunday when almost everything had
been cleaned up really fast with lots of helping hands.
Although people had to be reminded from time to time to translate, participants
tried to put into practice the ideals of international mobilization, which
means not only to invite activists from many countries, but togive them the
possibility to get involved with  the organisation. The fact that this is not
such an easy task can be seen from the fact that there are still two email
lists, one in German and one international.

Another focus of the camp were direct actions. In Bad Doberan numerous community
members were informed about the upcoming summit and its local reference by a
Door-knocking-action. Later on, around 300 participants of the Campinski and
NoLager-activists demonstrated in Rostock against exclusion of refugees and for
"Same rights for everyone".

Around 80 participants visited a field planted with GMOs near Rostock. Another
group demonstrated against the German Neo-Nazi party, and in addition an
exhibit of sculptures of Arno Breker, Hitlers favourite sculpturer was
symbolically closed down.
Another symbolic action which was a lot of fun was the swimming day in front of
the Kempinski Hotel, site - location of next years summit. Approx. 400 people
walked on the beach, accompanied by a samba band and the Rebel Clowns Armee.
During the manifestation some people dropped banners out of an empty villa at
the beach, calling attention to the threat of the beach privatisation. All in
all the Campinski was another success and bodes well for the protests next year

PGA Conference - Networking struggles since 1998

Discussion about the G8 summit was not limited to Campinski, but also took place
at the European PGA (Peoples GlobalAction) conference, a gathering at five
separate locations across France.
The feeling that the global days of actions (GDA), first initiated by PGA, are
not working as they should was raised several times.  On the first Action Days
initiated by PGA there had been big demonstrations and actions as well in the
global south as in the north. But in the last years they lacking substance.
For that reason some groups have turned their attention to selforganization in
squats and communes. This approach played an important role on the conference
that was mainly organized by groups like the Sans Titre Network, which is
focusing on such approaches.Nevertheless, the anti-summit mobilisation was 
also discussed as an opportunity to connect local struggles to their global
context.
How to get of the activist ghetto was an important issue of discussion that
became apparent in several approaches and projects.
Some of the conference participants searched for  possibilities to connect the
resistence against the G8 with other social struggles.
Along thematic lines like migration, agriculture, anti-militarism or  within the
context of topics like energy, nuclear power, oil and war, different local
struggles could be brought together.
The idea of 'Theme Days' to preceed the G8 summit, where global connections in
different contexts could be discussed, came up at Campinski and was echoed in
France.
By bringing people together on the basis of specific but global social concerns,
the hope is that far-reaching ideas will be developed, and that these ideas will
remain relevant long after the end of the summit.

One example is the working group G8 and aggriculture, which calls for worldwide
actions against the agrobusiness:
"Hopefully, a broad coalition of farmers, consumers, trade unionists and
opponents to economic globalisation will take action against the global
agri-business, gaining publicity around the G8 Summit in spring 2007. The
objective is to carry out actions at various points within the agricultural
production chain. For example: to blockade the sowing of genetically modified
crops; to address the outrageous working conditions of employees and the
ruinous prices paid by the head buyers at the multinational supermarket, Lidl;
to criticise the agricultural policies of the European Union and the
collaboration between different departments at the University of Rostock and
agri-business in front of a pig-fattening factory. With a diversity of actions,
it should be possible to show who are the winners and losers in globalised
agriculture."
Besides this campaign there are already groups like the "BUKO Kampagne gegen
Biopiraterie" who think about the connection beetween the G8 summit and the
COP9 (conference of the Parties, a gremium of the convention on biological
diversity) which will take place 2008 in Germany.

Another approach to the focus on the time before and after the summit is the
Karawahnsinn/Caravan Utopia through europe with the motto " Movin Europe". The
vision, which is presented on the webpage: vision07.org, is to have many
different caravans connecting many different people or groups. The caravans
would come together at 'stations' which would be autonomous spaces, social
centres etc that have the ability to host people. These stations would be a
place to share experiences, find out what the different caravans have been
doing, what links have been made, have workshops and discuss practical steps to
move forward. The caravan will also try to share culture and develop art &
creativity as we use culture to shape our politics and politics to shape our
lives. But also to start a dialogue with local groups and local struggles
outside of our usual activist structures.

In the meantime there had been a lot more diskussions and meeting and this was
only an overview  of some of the many events.  In the next few months the
mobilization will continue.  In addition to some meetings on specific toppics
or projects (see www.gipfelsoli.org) there are two general meetings:

27. - 29. Oktober: dissent!-Treffen, Osnabrück
10. - 12. November: 2. Aktionskonferenz, Rostock

[Graswurzelrevolution]

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Autonomous rear Entrances to Fortress Europe?!

Antiracist Perspectives in regard to G-8 Summit 2007

For years there has been a deep divide in the (antiracist) Left when the issue
of flight and migration comes up. While one side is talking about "Fortress
Europe" and mainly concentrates on attacking the ever more sophisticated regime
of borders, camps and deportations, the other side favors the concept of
"autonomy of migration" as the archimedial reference point. According to this
concept one should not fortget that despite all efforts to close the borders
each year hundreds of thousand people  enter the European Union on an irregular
basis who organize their survival under self-determined, however rather
precarious conditions. Migration therefore should be deciphered as "social
protagonism", i.e. resilience; it could even be termed the "most successful
social movement".

It is relevant to find answers to the questions and problems that arise from
both positions - not only for principal reasons, but also in regard to the
politics of the movement. Current background is the G-8 Summit in Heiligendamm
(North-Eastern Germany) in 2007. A variety of groups and networks are of the
opinion that "migration" should become one of the central issues of the
anti-G8-summit resistance. But the perspective from which this should happen is
open. Additionally, other groups that are also taking part in the mobilization,
are keeping rather quiet when it comes to the issue of migration. The most
prominent example is attac. Therefore one should emphasize that the issue of
migration is at the center of a large number of struggles for global (civil,
political and social) rights. In other words: It would be rather shameful, if
one didn't take the opportunity to systematically examine the interdependencies
- also in regard to the cooperation of the different segments of the protest
movement that everyone is talking about and aiming at.

To talk about Fortress Europe is aiming at three developments at the core: First
of all, that fewer and fewer people manage to come as asylum seekers to Europe.
Second, that in most countries of the European Union it is almost impossible to
be granted political asylum. Third, that between 30.000 and 50.000 people are
being deported each year from Germany alone. This number doesn't even take into
account those 70.000 people who - in the language of the bureaucrats -
"voluntarily" leave Germany; most of them solely in order to escape their
enforced deportation. This increased escalation of a dynamic of repression has
been enabled by a large number of legal, administrative and institutional
tightening measures or new developments since the early 1990ies. Therefore it
is rather fitting that the European Union has incorporated the concept of
so-called "safe third countries" which originates from the repressive German
asylum policy into its recently ratified regulations for asylum procedures.
According to this concept, refugees who enter the E.U. via a so-called "safe
third country" cannot invoke the right to asylum. In the future, even countries
that haven't ratified the Geneva Refugee Convention such as Libya, Mauritania or
the Ukraine are going to be classified as "safe third countries" for the
European Union. One of the immediate consequences would be that Italy's
practice for some time to illegally deport boat-people refugees to Libya could
soon be legalized under these new regulations. On top of that the plan is to
immediately and directly send back all refugees and migrants who are
apprehended at the outer frontiers of the European Union - this is the context
in which the so-called reception camps or rather deportation camps that have
been built with the support of the European Union in Libya, Mauritania or the
Ukraine are operating (the key word is outsourcing of the protection for
refugees). One also has to mention that for more than one-and-a-half decade now
a massive neo-liberal propaganda campaign has been going on which has been
proclaiming the end of the fordistic social-welfare state model and has
massively incited the willingness of large segments of society to exclude
certain segments of the population for racist reasons. As a result you can not
only see the so-called "nationally liberated zones" in Eastern Germany, but
also the never-ending integration debate on headscarves, school yards in Berlin
or pseudo-homo-friendly citizenship tests.

In contrast to this point of the view, the protagonists of the autonomy of
migration are drawing a much brighter, even opulent picture. For example, they
claim the allegation that today less refugees and migrants are coming to Europe
is simply not true. To the contrary, from their point of view it is however
correct that the technologies of migration control that are detailed in the
Fortress-Europe discourse have changed the conditions for migration.
Concretely: A "change in the form of migration" has occurred (Transit Migration
(1)). People don't even start the hardship of a rather senseless asylum
procedure with no hope for a success (if they have the opportunity at all to
file a claim for asylum), but they still come to Europe. They come as
undocumented migrants, hundreds of thousands, and mostly for the same reasons
than before. This circumstance points to the core of the autonomy of migration:
"that migration entails a moment of independency from political measures which
aims at control" (Transit Migration). Background is that refuges and migrants
are not coming by themselves but with the help of community networks. "They are
being supported by a movement which owns knowledge, which follows its own rules
and organizes its practice collectively." (Yann Moulier Boutang (2) ). The fact
that refugees manage to "circumvent, to escape and to disable migration"
controls (Transit Migration) does not only have something to do with autonomy
of migration itself. According to this line of argumentation it is equally
important that the aim of modern migration policy is not complete sealing-off
as the Fortress Europe discourse claims. The aim is rather to "produce an
active process of inclusion of migrant labour through their clandestinization"
on the basis of labour-market oriented policy and calculations of requirements.
(Sandro Mezzadra (3)). Accordingly, the qualitative position of refugees and
migrants is more important at the border than the quantity of migration.
Because it is only their (hierarchically organized) disfranchisement which
turns them into labour nomads who are flexible, available and more or less easy
victims of blackmail. And still: Even if the residency status, the employment
and the living conditions are very precarious, one issue shouldn't be forgotten
from the point of view of autonomy of migration. If one talks about the
struggles of migrants, one talks about the daily strategies of survival of
refugees and migrants which the state has a hard time to control. These
struggles very often don't express themselves politically (which often wouldn't
be so easy anyway), but they are a continuous challenge to the status quo; their
mere factual existence continuously changes the European societies - whether
these societies like it or not.

Even if the presentation is only tentative, we can already determine that the
concept of autonomy of migrations is in many aspects a valuable amendment or
rather relativization of the Fortress Europe discourse. First of all, it breaks
through the rather narrow focus on refugee policies and widely opens up a
political or antiracist space. Secondly, it comes together with the building of
bridges into the field of (precarious) labour, which can hardly be overestimated
politically: i.e. communication of movements. And thirdly, it openly rejects any
form of victimization. Even though to degrade refugees and migrants hardly
constitutes a standing factor within the Fortress Europe discourse, it still
happens regularly that both in the left as well as in the bourgeois-liberal
understanding of the metaphor of Fortress Europe refugees and migrants hardly
turn up as active subjects - because the moment of fencing-off is being placed
at the center and often comes in an apocalyptic rethorical fashion.

However, the autonomy of migration is not unerring. It also contains gaps and
points of radical one-sidedness and it is being characterized rather often -
despite all denials - by a verbal glorification of migrant struggles. Or
rather, statements from this side are often understood in that sense.
1 The thesis that migration controls could not stop the paths of refugees and
migrants, but could only "prolong or reroute them" (Transit Migration) is
rather absurd - at least, if you take it literally. To argue in such a manner
tears apart connected issues and turns a blind eye to central facts. First of
all, that each year more than 500.000 people are being deported from the
European Union or are being sent back (in addition to those who "voluntarily"
leave the E.U.). Secondly, that each year tens of thousands of people - and
possibly more - do not manage to even get to Europe. Let's remember the Kosovo
War in 1999, when about 550.000 of 800.000 refugees from Kosovo were directly
directed to temporary and strictly guarded refugee camps in Albania and
Macedonia and thereby prevented from continuing their journey to the European
Union (i.e: Regional Protection Areas). Thirdly, that regularly people are
dying on their way to the European Union. Since the beginning of this year
alone it is said that up to 4.000 people drowned in the sea around the Canary
Islands - due to the increased surveillance of the Mediterranean Sea. Fourthly,
that flight and migration not only become more expensive because of migration
policy measures, but also the risks are higher. The consequences are that more
and more people are being deterred and don't even dare to leave (while at the
same time the numbers of those who would be willing to migrate is increasing on
a permanent basis). Take for example numerous reports and studies from countries
such as Algeria, Morocco or Nigeria, where large segments of the unemployed
youths seem to be nearly obsessed by the idea to search for their luck in
Europe or the United States. However, when it comes down to it, only relatively
few dare to take the leap.

This means concretely, that it is misleading to determine migration policy as a
defensive (sic) reaction of the state which primarily aims at illegalizing
refugees and migrants (and thereby leave them helpless to overexploitation). So
to speak as a compensation for the fact that migration policy is unable to
regulate the entrances to Europe more effectively. It might be true that
despite all shows of power of European politicians the movements of migrations
are characterized by an adorable momentum. And it is also true that the
neo-liberal European Union is interested for a number of reasons in
(undocumented) cheap labour from the peripheries. In this setting the thesis
gains it specific plausibility that currently a migration regime is developing
(in Southeastern Europe) "which institutionalizes the transit and a precarious
immigration with its informal economies" (Transit Migration). But it is equally
true that the larger segment of the migrants is not wanted for reasons of
political order and for financial reasons - this is especially true for
refugees. Therefore migration policy as a whole always aims at both: On the one
hand, illegalization, and on the other hand fencing-off - a double-function
which is best being described with the term "filter".
2. Proponents of the autonomy of migration take a critical stance towards
political disputes with structural backgrounds of flight and migration - for
example, in the way the slogan of the Caravan puts it: "We are here because you
are destroying our countries." Such a focus would lead to the danger to degrade
people as match-balls under objective conditions of coercion; by arguing in
such a manner one would play into the hands of the humanitarian discourse,
which would only recognize and accept refugees and migrants as helpless victims
but not as social actors who are self-confidently demanding or taking their
rights. This criticism is indeed very important, but one should be careful not
to erect Potemkian villages. Because voluntarism vs. determination or
subjectivism vs. objectivism are incorrect antagonisms and therefore they are
not appropriate to describe the complex, sometimes contradictory dynamic of
flight and migration in its complexity. In the concrete debate, this is
something one can easily agree on - even by quoting Karl Marx: "The people are
making their own history, but they don't make it out of free will, not under
conditions which they have chosen themselves, but under conditions that they
stumble upon, that are given and that are bequeathed to them."

Politically, there are many reasons to put the concrete situation in the
refugees' and migrants' countries of origin on the antiracist agenda. Flight
and migration are deeply embedded into the global relations between periphery
and center. One example, that can be mentioned here, are the dramatic
destruction processes of small farmers' existences that have been taking place
since the early 1980ies and have been spurred on especially by the IMF, WTO,
multinationals and the agrarian policies of the European Union and the United
States. As a consequence of these processes massive flight and migration
movements have been set into motion not only in Central America, but also in
many countries of the Sub-Sahara and in Asia (4). To create bridges between the
demands that derive from this situation - such as the "Right to Sovereignty of
Nourishment" - and demands that are linked to migration - such as "For free
movement globally" -, would bring social movements together which normally
don't have much in common and they would empower each other. Secondly, in that
manner it would become more obvious than before that migration poses
fundamental questions of global justice (in dissemination). That would bring
about the demand to reject any solutions and strategies that promote
euro-protectionism for principal reasons. On the one hand, because such options
cannot be legitimized politically and ethically - the key word here is: Global
Rights. On the other hand, because social disorders which are also becoming
more common in Europe as a consequence of capitalist globalization cannot be
cushioned in the short or in the long term by stripping refugees and
(undocumented) migrants of their rights and by structurally placing them in
wage and other competitions with E.U. citizens.

3. From the point of view of autonomy of migration collectively organized flight
and migration movements would belong to the most successful social movements.
The reasoning for this line of argumentation is that refugees and migrants
manage to temporarily or continuously set foot in the rich industrialized
countries - whether stabilizing their status step-by-step, or by marriage or
via family reunions, undocumented residency or mass legalizations by the
authorities. Even Germany has unwillingly become a de facto immigration country
in the past 50 years in that manner - with cities such as Frankfurt, Munich or
Stuttgart where more than 20 % of the population have a migration background.
In other words, this line of argumentation which needs time to get used it
functions on the premise that the term of "social movements" should not be
narrowly defined for political reasons, but it should be amended with the
dimension of daily, subtle and rather quiet acts of resistance. A concrete
result should be to also understand the day-to-day struggles of migrants as
political acts of resistance. That means as attempts to break the borders of
citizenship, to appropriate new spaces of freedom and equality, to build
transnational spaces, to demand or to take the right to mobility and others
(compare: Frassanito Network 2006). Most of the time Toni Negri and Michael
Hardt are called upon as godfathers of these theses. In their book "Empire"
they are conceptualizing "desertion, exodus and nomadism" as contemporary
"basic forms of resistance", even as a "powerful form of class struggle".

But still: There are a lot of reasons to not just easily merge political and
daily acts of resistance. Because it is not an automatic step from individual
strategies of survival - even if they might be organized in networks - to
collectively structured processes of emancipatory social changes. Or more
drastically: Someone who crosses borders in an undocumented fashion and there
by de facto undermines the border regime is not necessarily a fighter for
global free movement (and doesn't have to be one, either). Massive nomadism
might be the central source which feeds the idea of global free movement,
however this construction which has been formed in a political and theoretical
fashion should not at all be ascribed to and projected onto refugees and
migrants as a "conviction via position".  Rather, the idea of global free
movement  is probably going to develop its impact solely under the condition
that its political intention experiences a massive and collective appropriation
- either by refugees and migrants themselves or by third parties. When the
political and daily acts of resistance are interfering with each other or
amalgamating in the context of joint social movement practices and thereby
create each other's resonating spaces (without become indistinguishable), then
the prerequisites have been created for substantial changes in the larger power
balance of society. There are some examples for the above mentioned: The
sans-papiers in France who managed such a synthesis of different forms of
resistance and thereby turned the political status quo upside down. Etienne
Balibar points to that example in his model works on "incomplete citizenships",
talking about a citizenship concept which is not based on nationality or status,
but on activity: "In a paradox sense, the struggles of the sans papiers (...)
are outstanding moments in the developments of an active citizenship (or, if
you want, in the direct participation in public affairs) without which no
community of citizens could exist, but only a formal of state cut off from
society and choking on its own abstraction."  (5)

It is this background which at the latest should make it clear where the
shortcomings are if migration is being ennobled without hesitation as the most
successful social movement - as it happens frequently in the discourse of
autonomy of migration. It threatens to inflate strategies of survival and
day-to-day acts of resistance. And it threatens to diminish the politically
utopian horizon rather quickly to shifts within the existing status quo. Also,
the danger exists that contradictions are being put onto the backburner (of the
discourse) and in that manner - sort of in a form of a self-fulfilling prophecy
spin - to lend additional credibility of the "success" theory. We are talking
here - beyond what has already been mentioned - about the horrible working
conditions in the precarious low-wage sectors which sometimes resemble the
conditions of the Manchester era; or the fact that rich industrialized
countries have been dependent on low-wage workers for a long time and therefore
it is questionable to label (undocumented) migrant labour as a subversive act of
appropriation. Even the much quoted money transfers of work migrants to their
families go ahnd-in-glove with effects that stabilize the system. Because in
many countries, for example El Salvador, the state encourages money transfers
as a highly welcome compensation for the income deficits which the people are
confronted with due to neo-liberal policies.

It should be obvious that the debate is not over here. One possibility to
continue could be the already started mobilization against G8 - possibly even
in regard to the mass action for "global free movement" and "equal rights"
shortly before the start of the summit which has been proposed by a number of
groups. (compare: www.nolager.de)

(1) Andrijasevic, R., Bojadzijev, M., Hess, S., Karakayali, S., Panagiotidis,
E., Tsianos, V.: Turbulent Fringes. Contours of a new migration regime in South
Eastern Europe (Turbulente Ränder. Konturen eines neuen Migrationsregimes im
Südosten Europas). In: PROKLA 140 (Migration), 345-362
(2)  Boutang, Yann Moulier: No longer a reserve army. Thoughts on autonomy of
migration and the necessary end of the regime of work migration (Nicht länger
Reservearmee. Thesen zur Autonomie der Migration und zum notwendigen Ende des
Regimes der Arbeitsmigration.) In: Suptropen 12/2004
(3)  quoted from Karakayali, Serhat, Tsianos, Vassilis: Mapping the Order of New
Migration. Undocumented labour and autonomy of migration (Undokumentierte Arbeit
und die Autonomie der Migration.) In: PERIPHERIE 97/98 (Weltmarkt für
Arbeitskräfte), 35-64
(4) compare Gregor Samsa: About the necessity of a rediscovery. Global farming
and the power of capitalist agro-industry. (Über die Notwendigkeit einer
Wiederentdeckung. Globale Landwirtschaft und die Macht kapitalistischer
Agrarindustrie.) In: ak - analyse & kritik - Zeitung für linke Debatte und
Praxis / Nr. 506 / 19.5.2006
(5) Balibar, Étienne, Are we citizens of Europe? (Sind wir Bürger Europas?),
Bonn 2005

[Gregor Samsa (NoLager Bremen)]


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Keine Macht für G8 - Kampagne der Neuen Linken

Am 22. und 23.9. hat in Berlin das erste G8-Kampagnentreffen von Linkspartei,
WASG, solid und Rosa-Luxemburg-Stiftung stattgefunden.

29 Teilnehmerinnen und Teilnehmer aus 10 Bundesländern, der AG Betrieb und
Gewerkschaften, dem Hochschulgruppen-Netzwerk und aus der Bundestagsfraktion
waren dabei und haben eine Mobilisierungs- und Informationskampagne für die
gemeinsame Linke geplant.

Erste Flugblätter stehen zum 21.10. zur Verfügung, dann steht zunächst die
interne Information über G8 auf der Tagesordnung. Januar 2007 ist der
offizielle Kampagnenstart. Das nächste Treffen findet am 1. und 2. Dezember
statt.

Dokumentation des Kampagnenworkshops

Eine gute Kampagne braucht ein gutes Logo.

Für die G8-Kampagne bitten wir alle kreativen Köpfe, sich an der Ausschreibung
für das Kampagnenlogo zu beteiligen.

Bündnistermin

10.-12. November: Internationale Aktionskonferenz zur Vorbereitung der Proteste

Informationen und Nachfragen: christine.buchholz at web.de,
lars.kleba at linkspartei.de

[christine.buchholz at web.de]


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Apel la rezistenta impotriva G8

Multe anunturi ca acesta au fost facute inainte de acesta pentru ca oamenii
sa-si exprime protestul impotriva unui sistem international nejust, incorect si
inegal. Summitul G8 reprezinta doar o parte din acesta. Multi s-au exprimat
pentru mobilizari si au sperat ca reteaua o sa creasca de la sine, in acelasi
timp nefiind siguri daca avem sau nu ‚reteta' exacta. Vom incerca sa nu repetam
greseli din trecut. Noi, grupul international de lucru al rezistentei impotriva
urmatorului G8, suntem doar oameni ce stam pe ‚camp', dorind sa schimbam lumea.

Chemam oamenii din toata lumea sa ni se alature in procesul de dezvoltare a unei
rezistente puternice si efective, aici si acum, impotriva summitului G8 din
Heiligendamm 2007 si in viitor, impotriva intregului circ sangeros capitalist.

Uitandu-ne dincolo de aceasta mobilizare, vom construi o structura puternica a
unei rezistente globale continue, nascuta prin intermediul diversitatii
noastre. Ne dorim crearea unor retele durabile care sa imprastie si sa extinda
discutii si idei dincolo de granite.

Pentru a face rezistenta impotriva G8 efectiva pe cat posibil dorim sa facilitam
participarea oamenilor de pe intreg globul in pregatirea, exprimarea
experientelor si in actiunea propriu zisa, in interiorul sau exteriorul
Germaniei.

Practic asta inseamna cateva lucruri :
Vom publica un newsletter  - in primul rand pentru a furniza stiri relevante si
informatii despre pregatirea si discutiile din Germania si din exterior. La
acest nivel va exista un site in limba engleza si un mailinglist pentru
comunicarea dintre grupul organizatoric si activisti, punand baza unei retele
internationale inaintea summitului.
Pentru a atinge aceste obiective va rugam sa contribuiti cu informatii,
experiente, tematici, forme de actiune, puncte de vedere si idei pentru o
rezistenta practica. In acelasi timp avem nevoie de ajutor, legat de traduceri
si distribuirea informatiilor pentru a face informatia accesibila oricui si
avem nevoie de ajutorul voluntarilor pentru a tipari si distribui newsletter-ul
in comunitatile locale.

Ii invitam pe toti cei interesati sa se implice si in grupul organizatoric, in
special va invitam sa participati la intalnirea internationala care va avea loc
in primul sau al doilea weekend in februarie.
Locatia intalnirii n-a fost inca selectata dar va fi in afara Germaniei, cu
scopul de a reprezenta un spatiu usor de atins pentru ca toti dintre noi sa
participe. Pentru ca lumea sa se poata prezenta la intalnirea pregatitoare dar
si la protestele din Germania, vom oferi informatii actualizate, informatii
practice pentru obtinerea vizei si transport si daca va fi posibil, suport
financiar pentru obtinerea vizei.

Acesta si multe alte proiecte ale grupului organizatoric necesita fonduri si
speram ca acolo unde exista posibilitati, sa se poata organiza strangeri de
fonduri.
Vom ajuta in a face acest proces si actiunile pe cat posibil deschise,
coordonand si furnizand informatii clare si relevante, in acelasi timp, cai de
comunicare usor accesibile.

Vrem schimbare - nu doar pentru copiii nostri, dar si pentru noi.

Ne adresam tie pentru a te alatura noua si pentru a face din aceasta mobilizare
o noua piatra, un alt cui in sicriul capitalismului international.

[g8-int]


-------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Stop the G8+5, Defend Oaxaca! Virtual Action -
Tuesday / Wednesday October 3-4, 2006!
The Borderlands Hacklab, Electronic Disturbance Theater and Rising Tide North
America call for a virtual sit-in against the websites of the G8+5 and the
Mexican government during the G8+5 meetings on October 3-4th, 2006 in Mexico.
To join the virtual action, click here: http://sdhacklab.org/oaxaca
As the Mexican government tries to play host to the G8+5 Gleneagles Dialogue on
Climate Change, it is mounting a massive violent attack on the people of
Oaxaca. Apparently the Mexican government thinks it can cleanse the country of
its growing pro-democracy rebellion while laying out a red carpet to world
politicians including the G8 Energy Ministers. The neoliberal project of
corporate globalization and fossil-fuel-based "energy security" that causes
global warming is built on massive violence, from armies to riot police to
militarized borders, to turn the global south into its sweatshop and repress
the uprisings for justice, democracy, and sustainable livelihood of the people
in Mexico and other countries.
While the neoliberal model of industrial "development" sees the remaining
indigenous and "undeveloped" lands of the Earth as territories for capitalist
exploitation of natural resources and human labor, the schoolteachers leading
Oaxaca's popular pro-democracy strike have a different vision. By taking direct
action to shut down the tyrannical rule of their state governor Ulises Ruiz
Ortiz, the people of Oaxaca are teaching that another world is possible.
On Sunday, October 1, 2006, a headline in the Mexico City daily Milenio
proclaimed, "Preparations for war in Oaxaca," while Mexico City's El Universal
newspaper reported that helicopters, planes and 15 troop trucks had assembled
in Huatulco, a Pacific tourist getaway and military hub a short flight â but a
long and difficult drive â from Oaxaca city. According to the independent news
website Narconews.com, which has been covering the Other Campaign of the
Zapatistas, on Sunday, October1, 2006:
"The Mexican Navy carried out a reconnaissance operation over the buildings and
public spaces occupied by the Popular Assembly of the Peoples of Oaxaca (APPO
in its Spanish initials). Two MI-17 helicopters and one CASA C212 Navy airplane
with registration number AMP-118 flew over the streets of the city â where
opponents of Governor Ulises Ruiz Ortiz have maintained several encampments
over the past 130 days â for about 40 minutes."
"The zocalo, or central city square, the Oro and La Ley radio stations, the
state government building, the Brenamiel and El Rosario radio antennas, as well
as the Department of Finance building â all places where the rebels have
installed protest camps â were reconnoitered by low-level flights of military
aircraft. As they passed over the Radio Oro facilities, the two helicopters
were fruitlessly "attacked" with fireworks that teachers of the National
Education Workers' Union local Section 22 launched from Conzatti Garden. The
airplane then made four more passes over the areas around the zocalo and
returned to the airport, where five other military aircraft were stationed. At
5:30 that afternoon, the naval surveillance plane and two AMHT-202 and AMHT-205
helicopters landed on a city airstrip and let out 18 soldiers in black-and-grey
camouflage, bulletproof vests, helmets and firearms.
"Lino Celaya LurÃa, state secretary of Citizen Protection, confirmed that the
objective of the military flights was to "reconnoiter" the scene of the
conflict, but claimed not to know if this was the prelude to an eventual
federal operation to remove the protesters. The state official limited himself
to saying: "We were informed that a flight would occur over the areas where the
dissidents are present. We believe this is to obtain field information on the
situation."
"Meanwhile, from the occupied radio stations, the rebels again declared a
maximum alert in the face of what they imagine could be the beginning of a
removal/eviction operation against the popular and teachers' movement."
Over half of the Oaxaca's 3.2 million people, most of whom are indigenous, live
in poverty, and 21.5 percent of those over 15 are illiterate, while the average
number of years of schooling is 5.6 years -- almost two less than Mexico's
national average. Many students in Oaxaca's rural schools lack books and desks.
In May, tens of thousands of teachers seized the capital's leafy central plaza
to demand wage increases and improved school conditions. The following month,
Governor Ulises Ruiz sent police to attempt to retake the heart of the city.
Since then, radical social movements of workers, peasants, students, women and
others have joined the striking teachers, building street barricades and taking
over radio and television stations. They demand that Ruiz resign, alleging that
he rigged the 2004 election and uses paramilitary gangs to attack dissidents. A
total of five "megamarches" were organized with the largest reaching the
astonishing number of around 300,000 people, or one out of ten people who live
in the state.
During the protests in Oaxaca, at least six people have been killed in violent
incidents which apparently involved irregular armed groups linked to the Ruiz
administration and the police, according to human rights organisations. A
number of demonstrators have also been arrested and injured, and further
assaults perpetrated against them by organized,
unidentified gangs of thugs have been reported.
One example of neoliberal "development" in Mexico with major implications for
Oaxaca is Plan Puebla Panama (PPP), a transnational "mega-infrastructure"
project that would transform the region's geography and economy if implemented.
While claiming that one of its main goals is to improve the conditions for the
people of the region, PPP is stealing land from indigenous people for
infrastructure projects to move resources more quickly into the hands of
multinational corporations and commodifying their culture for the tourist
industry. One of the projects affecting Oaxaca is the creation of a super
highway at Mexico's skinniest point, the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, in order to
move resources more readily across the land from the Atlantic to the Pacific.
This transportation corridor will be surrounded with sweatshops, maquiladoras,
operating without labor and environmental protections. For all of these
objectives, neoliberal control over the government of Oaxaca is key to the
realization of the PPP project.
Mexico has an ugly history of military repression that coincides with major
world gatherings occurring inside the country. 38 years ago today, October 2nd,
the Mexican military massacred hundreds of student protesters at Tlatelolco,
just days before the 1968 Olympic Games began in Mexico City. If military
violence against the pro-democracy protesters of Oaxaca occurs before, during
or after the G8 meeting in Mexico, the G8 leaders as well as the Mexican
military must be held accountable for the injuries and death. To prevent this,
we demand that the G8 officials who are meeting this week in Mexico must
publicly speak out to condemn the possibility of another Mexican massacre at
Oaxaca.
We demand that the G8 end its support of destructive "carbon trading." The G8 is
composed of the leaders of the richest 8 countries in the world, who are
responsible for the policies of war, criminalization of cross-border human
migration, and massive environmental destruction. While they claim to be
meeting to solve the climate change crisis, they are in fact discussing carbon
trading agreements that will allow corporations to profit while exporting their
pollution to the global south. Carbon trading threatens to turn countries like
Brazil into a "carbon sink" for the global north while ignoring the underlying
capitalist ideology of endless growth and boundless consumption that is
creating massive climate change.
Help us stop the G8 by slowing the propaganda systems that the G8+5 and the
Mexican Government will be using during the meetings and the attacks to spread
disinformation about their actions. As in our previous actions, people from all
around the world will make their virtual presence manifest on the doorstep of
the G8+5 and the Mexican Government.
To join the action, click here: http://sdhacklab.org/oaxaca
In addition to the virtual sit-in on the websites, you can also manifest your
virtual presence via email or telephone:
Write to:

Vicente Fox Quesada

(Presidencia, Los Pinos)

Telephone:

011 52 (55) 2789 1100

011 52 (55) 18 7501 Atencion Ciudadana

Fax: (55) 52 77 23 76

email: vicente.fox.quesada at presidencia.gob.mx
Dear President Vicente Fox,
Please do not authorize the use of Federal force to resolve the current social
and political dispute in Oaxaca.
Sincerely,
If you use email, please send copies to:
Prvesident Elect Felipe Calderón Hinojosa:
felipe at felipe.org.mx and
Secretary of Government: Carlos Abascal:
segob at rtn.net.mx
UPDATE: As of 10:50pm sunday night, there were reports that the attack had begun
and that members of the PRI forces had begun attacking barricades which were
defending radio antennas.
More news and updates about the unfolding situation in Oaxaca at:

http://narconews.com
More information on resistance to the G8+5 meeting in Mexico City at:

http://contrag8.revolt.org
To join the action, click here: http://sdhacklab.org/oaxaca